International Network for Byzantine Philosophy

With the kind permission of Professor Derek Krueger, below is an excerpt from his chapter, “Divine Fantasy and the Erotic Imagination in the Hymns of Symeon the New Theologian” in Dreams, Memory and Imagination in Byzantium , edited by Bronwen Neil & Eva Anagnostou-Laoutides (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 315–341. In addition to many prose treatises and catechetical lectures, Symeon the New Theologian wrote over the course of his life a great many poems called variously “hymns” and “love songs”, although they were neither set to music nor intended to be sung. Around 1035, Symeon’s self-proclaimed disciple, Niketas Stethatos, edited and published a corpus of some fifty-eight of these poems, some of them quite long, totaling over 10,000 verses in three different meters. While it is tempting to read the hymns as intensely personal, the poet consistently engages in ethopoeia , or speech-in-character, constructing a poetic subject engaged in theological meditation and aflame with fervent des

With the kind permission of Professor Marcus Plested, here is an excerpt from his chapter in the Dumbarton Oaks Byzantine Symposia volume edited by Susan Ashbrook Harvey & Margaret Mullett,  Knowing Bodies, Passionate Souls: Sense Perceptions in Byzantium  (Harvard University Press, 2017), 301–312.  “If the doors of perception were cleansed everything would appear to man as it is, infinite. For man has closed himself up, till he sees all things thro ’  narrow chinks of his cavern.” —William Blake,  The Marriage of Heaven and Hell — William Blake is just one representative of the long history of the doctrine of the spiritual senses—the idea that there are within the human being faculties corresponding in some manner with the five physical senses, yet capable of direct apprehension of spiritual and divine realities. In Blake’s dazzling if decidedly  sui generis  mystical vision the cleansing of the  doors of perception, the awakening of the spiritual senses, involves a s

With the kind permission of Professor Vasileios Marinis, here is an excerpt from his book, Death and the Afterlife in Byzantium: The Fate of the Soul in Theology, Liturgy, and Art  (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2017). At the beginning of the thirteenth century, while on a trip to Italy, George Bardanes, metropolitan of Kerkyra, had an informal exchange about the soul’s fate after death with Fra Bartolomeo, a Franciscan who asked about Byzantine beliefs. Bardanes responded that, because the Last Judgment had not occurred and Christ had not separated the righteous from the sinners, the souls of the departed had not yet received their final and eternal recompense. Rather, they resided in temporary locations, where they experienced a foretaste of their punishments or their rewards of various kinds, allocated presumably according to their conduct in life. Bardanes’s response reflects a desire for an efficiently structured and morally logical afterlife, but it leaves many issue

With the kind permission of Dr Meaghan McEvoy, below is an excerpt from her chapter entitled “Dynastic Dreams and Visions of Early Byzantine Emperors (ca. 518–565 AD)” in   Dreams, Memory and Imagination in Byzantium , edited by Bronwen Neil & Eva Anagnostou-Laoutides (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 99–117. Dreams, visions and portents relating to imperial succession are common literary devices in early Byzantium and have their antecedents in the period of pre-Christian Roman rule. Suetonius reports, for example, that the emperor Nero in the last days of his reign was admonished in a dream to take the sacred chariot of Jupiter Optimus Maximus from its shrine to the house of Vespasian; Cassius Dio reports that he was inspired to write and publish a little book about the dreams and portents which gave Septimius Severus reason to hope for imperial power; while Severus himself dreamt of being suckled by a she-wolf. According to Ammianus Marcellinus, among the various frightening omens of t